What Bartleby Can Teach Us About Occupy Wall Street

"Bartleby, the Scrivener: A Story of Wall-Street," composed in 1853, is perhaps Herman Melville's most famous short story. It's certainly his most inscrutable. Melville's account of how the eponymous scrivener, whose job is to produce multiple copies of legal documents, slowly and deliberately withdraws from everyday life with the sole explanation, "I would prefer not to," has continued to resist interpretation. Does Bartleby's "extraordinary quantity" of mechanical writing suggest a reading of the story as representing the increasing industrialization of nineteenth-century America? Do the avoidant actions of the story's narrator-- Bartleby's boss-- point to the limits of benevolence and charity? Does Bartleby's former employ, the Dead Letter Office, correspond to Melville's own feelings about the trajectory (and content) of his failing literary career? And most inscrutable of all: why, precisely, does Bartleby so often "prefer not to"? What on earth (or above) could be motivating his willful, but undeniably passive resistance?

As any reader of "Bartleby" knows, these questions cannot be answered with certitude. "To read Bartleby well," as H. Bruce Franklin once wrote, "we must first realize that we can never know who or what Bartleby is, but that we are continually asked to guess who or what he might be"-- this from Franklin's The Wake of Gods: Melville's Mythology (1963). For Franklin, the significance of being "continually asked to guess" who Bartleby is, or what he means, is not only the function of the story, but the obligation of its readers. Or, to extend this from the literary to the political realm, when presented with a person's resistance-- passive or otherwise-- it is the obligation of observers-- indeed, of all in a democratic society-- to think about the possibilities of what that person might stand for, even if we cannot pinpoint a single issue, meaning, or demand.

The lesson of the inscrutability of "Bartleby" has in fact already been applied to the Occupy Wall Street movement. MediaBistro reported on a group reading of Melville's story last week at Zuccotti Park, and over at The New Republic, Nina Martyris weighed in on how what she called "America's first slacktivist" might inform a contemporary critique of Wall Street.

But what can be learned from "Bartleby" today, as OWS enters its third month, and as its founding principle of passive resistance is increasingly challenged by violent means, is not simply the importance (and obligation) of an active interrogation of social and political life; it's that an inscrutable phrase-- "We are the 99%," or "I would prefer not to"-- can enter into daily conversation, can itself be replicated, and in this way effect fundamental change. Consider this passage from "Bartleby," in which the narrator recognizes the impact of Bartleby's language on himself and his employees:

Somehow, of late I had got into the way of involuntarily using this word "prefer" upon all sorts of not exactly suitable occasions. And I trembled to think that my contact with the scrivener had already and seriously affected me in a mental way. And what further and deeper aberration might it not yet produce? This apprehension had not been without efficacy in determining me to summary means.

As Nippers, looking very sour and sulky, was departing, Turkey blandly and deferentially approached.

"With submission, sir," said he, "yesterday I was thinking about Bartleby here, and I think that if he would but prefer to take a quart of good ale every day, it would do much towards mending him, and enabling him to assist in examining his papers."

"So you have got the word too," said I, slightly excited.

"With submission, what word, sir," asked Turkey, respectfully crowding himself into the contracted space behind the screen, and by so doing, making me jostle the scrivener. "What word, sir?"

"I would prefer to be left alone here," said Bartleby, as if offended at being mobbed in his privacy.

"That’s the word, Turkey," said I—"that’s it."

"Oh, prefer? oh yes—queer word. I never use it myself. But, sir, as I was saying, if he would but prefer—" 

"Turkey,” interrupted I, “you will please withdraw."

"Oh, certainly, sir, if you prefer that I should."

Here, the narrator-- himself a boss-- recognizes his own "involuntary" way of using the word "prefer," and "tremble[s] to think" of the other ways in which Bartleby might have "already and seriously affected" him. He observes how his employee, Turkey, has also "got the word," even if Turkey himself does not realize how that "queer word" has entered into his everyday lexicon.

As the narrator dismisses Turkey, he has a brief exchange with his other employee, Nippers, who similarly asks "whether [he] would prefer to have a certain paper copied on blue paper or white." Of this, the narrator observers: 

He did not in the least roguishly accent the word prefer. It was plain that it involuntarily rolled from his tongue. I thought to myself, surely I must get rid of a demented man, who already has in some degree turned the tongues, if not the heads of myself and clerks. But I thought it prudent not to break the dismission at once. 

It is at this point-- the point at which Bartleby's language has entered into each character's mode of expression-- that the narrator decides to take action to remove Bartleby from the premises. And it is at this point that Bartleby, himself, decides to cease writing altogether; his work is done.

The work of Occupy Wall Street is not yet done. Indeed, as police respond with unprovoked violence, and as politicians unnecessarily legislate in order to remove the OWS protesters from the public eye, the Occupy Wall Street movement has begun to expand with significance. But as OWS moves away from a Bartleby-esque resistance to meaning, and towards a clearer set of issues and demands, it is important to pause, and to recognize what has been accomplished so far.

And this is what we can learn from "Bartleby": the signifiance of impacting a society's everyday language. For as much as the narrator of "Bartleby" resists the idea that his employee's passive protest has affected his thinking, it is evident from the response documented in the story, just as it is evident in the media's response to the OWS movement, that introducing new language into conversation-- even with inscrutable intentions-- leaves its mark on tongues, minds, and hearts.

Timothy Morton's picture
Natalia Cecire's picture

Thanks, Lauren, for spelling out why that most enigmatic of literary texts, "Bartleby," is so politically potent in our present moment.

I did my graduate work at Berkeley, and one of the things that continually struck me about the discourse surrounding budget cuts, etc. (which are a part of the broader austerity program of the last decade) was its control over the language of reality. The "economic reality," we were constantly told, trumped any other kind of reality—pedagogical realities, for instance (such as: students learn more deeply in writing-intensive, discussion-intensive seminars than in large lectures). Money, and where it was allocated, was more real than curiosity, than desire, than knowledge; and reality, we were assured, was immovable, not subject to change. We were constantly met by an "I refute it thus!" in which the rock was a spreadsheet.

Rei Terada made a similar point in her remarks at the 11/9 protests at UC Irvine (entirely worth reading in full):

In March 2010, about a thousand people at UC Irvine marched here and on the street, on University Avenue. I was amused that a couple of commentators wrote afterward that UCI students were “protesting reality.” Someone headlined a blog for The Atlantic, “Students Protest University Cutbacks, Reality”. This remark assumes that once reality has been determined, you have no right to say anything further.

Bartleby's "I would prefer not to" is perhaps the furthest possible thing from an assertion—a conditional statement of a weak proclivity toward a negation.

It makes no demands and expresses no desire. Because it expresses no desire, it cannot be psychologized, and because it cannot be psychologized, it cannot be localized in a disturbed individual "problem employee," Bartleby. It only opens up a sense of the possible—the sense that there is something better that one might "prefer." It creeps into others' speech "involuntarily," explicitly not expressing any particular desire. "I would prefer not to" is not about what any individual person wants. Instead, it insists upon, and perhaps creates, the possibility of, in Terada's words, "another reality."

What's the saying? "Don't let them take up real estate in your head for free?"

I've always wondered at the ominous tone of this story. Your writing identifies for me one of the reasons why: it completely confounds the author's, the coworkers', and the reader's expectations of who's supposed to taking up real estate in who's head. We expect Bartleby to show subservience to the author, but Bartleby would prefer not to. Our mind has a hard time even admitting of that possibility. Is it even possible in this world that a person of lower status can "get into the head" of a person of higher status, rather than vice versa?

But, of course, it is entirely possible. Think of the rhetoric of southern planters in this country, particularly during the 19th century, after Haiti, after Nat Turner, after Denmark Vesey (I just read that Denmark Vesey is the reason the Citadel was founded in South Carolina), after John Brown. How could a few, relatively small uprisings cause such a huge reaction? Because, deep down in their humanity, somewhere underneath the rhetoric, the planters understood at some level the monstrous injustice of their lives, and that what goes around, comes around. Haiti, Nat Turner, Denmark Vesey, and John Brown definitely lived, rent free, in the heads of the southern planters.

There are those who think that Melville is writing Bartleby about his father-in-law, Lemuel Shaw, one of the nation's foremost jurists, and the author (in 1857, 4 years after Bartley) of a major decision upholding the Fugitive Slave Law passed during Buchanan's administration. See http://web.ku.edu/~zeke/bartleby/stark.html

In all events, "the 99%" is definitely now in everyone's heads.

Paula Moya's picture

Beautiful post. Thought provoking, insightful, and wonderfully written. Just wanted to say "well done"!

Great article; it made me think of Yossarian's 'I don't wanna.' Part of a great tradition, but not one Leavis would necessarily have approved of...

Irakli Zurab Kakabadze's picture

Amedeo Vermishveli I found it great. Learned a lot. IK

Gilles Deleuze's very cogent and practical reading of "Bartleby, the Scrivener" [found in: 'Essays critical and clinical' (1997)] is entitled "Bartleby; or, The Formula", and pursues precisely this motif of the stymying nature of his repeated phrase:

The formula I PREFER NOT TO ... stymies the speech acts that a boss uses to command... If Bartleby had refused, he could still be seen as a rebel or insurrectionary, and as such would still have a social role. But the formula stymies all speech acts, and at the same time, it makes Bartleby a pure outsiders to whom no social position can be attributed. This is what the attorney glimpses with dread: all his hopes of bringing Bartleby back to reason are dashed because they rest on a logic of presuppositions according to which an employer "expects" to be obeyed, ...whereas Bartleby has invented a new logic, a logic of preference, which is enough to undermine the presuppositions of language as a whole.

in point of fact, however, Ms. Klein, the moment when "Bartleby's language has entered into each character's mode of expression" is not exactly the moment "the narrator decides to take action to remove Bartleby from the premises". i believe what ultimately pushes the boss over the edge are the rumors which begin to circulate among his peers and the embarrassment that this gossip causes him. to your overall point, Occupy also learned the hard way that we're tolerated as harmless so long as we don't embarrass the powers that be, that we're not confronted until we cause a potentially threatening social effect.

to Ms. Cecire's comment that "'I would prefer not to'... makes no demands and expresses no desire", Deleuze chimes in as well:

The formula is devastating because it eliminates the preferable just as mercilessly as any nonpreferred. It not only abolishes the term it refers to, and that it rejects, but also abolishes the other term it seemed to preserve, and that becomes impossible. ...[I]t hollows out an every expanding zone of indiscernibility or indetermination between some nonpreferred activities and a preferable activity. ... I would prefer nothing rather than something: not a will to nothingness, but the growth of a nothingness of the will.

but is Maurice Blachot's notion (referenced by Deleuze) of "pure patient passivity" akin to 'slacktivism' or the tactics of Occupy Wall Street in general? certainly Bartleby occupied the office space as thousands of people in the Occupy movement are currently occupying foreclosed homes, and certainly we can imagine a well-read Occupier replying to a police officer's command to leave a public park with 'i'd prefer not to', but there are good reasons to be skeptical of a hasty comparison. in Alain Badiou's book on Deleuze named "The Clamor of Being" (2000), he chastises

those who still believe that one can invoke Deleuze's name as a way of sanctioning "democratic" debates, the legitimate diversity of opinions, the consumerist satisfaction of desires, or, again, the mixture of vague hedonism and "interesting conversations" that passes for an art of living. They should examine attentively who Deleuze's heroes of thought are: Melville's Bartleby the scrivener ("I would prefer not to") or Beckett's Unnamable ("you must go on, I can go on, I'll go on"). They would learn in what the discipline of the unique intuition consists.

despite Occupy's fidelity to the American revolution, its finding brother- and sisterhood in the face of the forces of reaction, perhaps its lack of discipline and its commitment to democracy foretell its undoing. we did not succeed, or at least, not yet. then again, neither did Bartleby, and here we are still talking about his story - a tribute to the success of this failure. as Slavoj Zizek, a thinker who has also advanced the praxis of 'Bartlebyean politics' as well as participating in Occupy events, quotes Beckett: "Try Again. Fail again. Fail better."

I'm a couple years late, but well done article!

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